Strasbourg Case

01 November 2001

From this day on we are beginning to publish the documents of our Strasbourg case. We apologize in advance that we are forced to refrain from presenting it on a full scale. Any questions from our readers could be sent to

In 1998 Russia became a member of the European Commission of Human Rights, that served as a stimulus to our application. In our first letter to the Secretary of Commission Hans-Christian Kruger (dated 11 March 1998) we asked a basic question, if there exists any juridical protection against clandestine actions of special services which use a wide spectrum of means of exterior action (euphemism-"special means") including narcotics, psychotrops, psychomimetics, as well as various combinations of chemical, biological and other weapons against unaware people with the aim of manipulating the victim's behavior by weakening its psychical and physical condition. As a result of the formal correspondence, which lasted more than two years, we received a letter (dated 22 May 2000 [ 1 ] ) in which we were officially offered to file an application.

In another letter of 12 October 2000 [ 2 ] the European Court of Human Rights confirmed that our application had been accepted and registered under the number of 61626/00 [ 3 ].

Starting this Case we were aware that it could hardly be resolved by the European justice. But, in spite of that, in order not to be accused in future of not exhausting all the possible methods to protect ourselves, we started in that direction.

Already in the beginning we had an epigraph ready for this process, with which we are starting our publication.

"А вы, мерзавцы, думали, что вам Комиссия поможет? -- сказал полковник. -- Ни хрена она вам не помогла! Ну, а теперь пусть каждая рота промарширует передо мною и пусть громогласно повторит то, что я сказал". И мы, рота за ротой, шагали, равнение направо, на полковника, рука на ремне ружья, и орали что есть мочи: "Мы, мерзавцы, думали, что нам эта Комиссия поможет. Ни хрена она нам не помогла! Господин полковник хохотал до упаду, прямо живот надорвал. Но вот начала дефилировать одиннадцатая рота..."

Yaroslav Gashek. "The Adventures of the Brave Soldier Shveik."
Moscow, 1963. Part 1, p.92 (In Russian).

M. I. Shemyakin. Sculpture on Bolotnaya square in Moscow.

Part I:   THE PARTIES [ 4 ]


During the history of mankind all social structures used various forms of subordination of one person to another. In the 20-th century for the first time this tradition was challenged. At last people made a real attempt to implement in global scale their dream for liberty, restricted by inevitable limitations – the laws. A bold idea aroused - to write the laws on ones own, relying on one's intellect. So, one of the fundamental documents of our epoch – Convention for the Protection of Human Rights an Fundamental Freedoms appeared.

The USSR also tried to realize it’s own variant of liberty, passed through the prism of justice, in spite of the stable negative image in the eyes of the West.

Having been born in the country, called in the West as the “Evil Empire”, we caught in the USSR a unique period of “the Khrushchev’s Thaw” (“Khrushchevskaya ottepel’”). That was a short and fragile moment of history, when the possibility of realization of principles, laid in the Convention seemed quite real – should only certain efforts been made to conduct the necessary changes in the society.

In spite of the severe genocide carried out by the Red Commissars since 1917, Russia again gave birth to a new healthy generation. We lived among those people, learned from them and remember it all with gratitude.

Furthermore, we have grown up in the families that managed to survive, although were subjected to persecutions. Our parents, all native Russians, were able to hand down to us the heritage of the old Russia – it’s culture, Faith, traditions, mentality. (sample of the original text [ 5 ])

My wife’s parents (father, A. A. Spryskov, professor, Doctor of Chemical Sciences, the former Head of Department of Ivanovo Institute of Chemical Technology; mother, E.M. Spryskova, the former English language lecturer of Ivanovo State Medical Institute) were persons with broad horizons. They had correspondence with friends and colleagues from abroad (USA, UK and so on) and we also took part in it, adopting from the West only useful and healthy ideas.

In the 60-ies everybody in the USSR were absorbed with the idea, that the society should be transformed into a civilized and open one. We were not an exemption and regarded it as our duty of intellectuals to express openly our opinions concerning political arrangements of the society and to defend those opinions. Everybody spoke openly and nobody was put in prison for that.

Having successfully graduated from the institutes (my wife with Honours Diploma and a Degree of Candidate of Chemical Sciences) and being naturally hard working and efficient, we rushed to embody the planned. We did not suspect, that it was a fraud! Actually, the authorities gave us a possibility to show ourselves and then began to exterminate those, who succeeded. There were a lot of examples!

Our parents told us: “You are happy, you will not be afraid of arrests and labor camps!” They were right: the concentration camps were not necessary any more. A new atrocious weapon was ready, the weapon for quiet extermination of undisirable persons, and special programs were created (sample of the original text [ 6 ]).

One of such programs, according to Colonel Kanatjan Alibekov, was called “Flute” (“Fleyta”). The Third Directorate of the Soviet Ministry of Health, Medstatistica and other institutions and departments took part in it. The principal aim of the program was to develop psychotropic and neurotropic biological agents for use by the KGB in special operations including the “wet work” of political assassinations. (See: Exhibit 1, Ken Alibek and Steven Handelman, “Biohazard”, Random House, 1999, pp 170-172). another program called “Bonfire” was devoted to creation of a principally new class of toxins and bioregulators and was designed for the KGB in order to be used against the citizens of it’s own country. (Ibid p.154, 164, 261).

Since the end of 1979 the KGB got carte blanche for persecutions of undesirable persons. Intelligentsia felt frightened. Murders and strange deaths followed one after another. Many of us suspected that many of those deaths were artificial. Since this time the pressure on our family took those wild and extreme forms which we have described in our letter of March 22, 2000.

As it turned out, membership in parties, movements and other public organizations did not represent the main threat for the totalitarian regime. The principal danger for them is a family as a “particular social group”. (See: Document 11, United States Department of Justice, Immigration Court of San Francisco, California, pp 10,11). We experienced this in full scale.

1979-1981 City of Ivanovo.

In 1979 and in the beginning of 1980 we, (my wife T. A. Baranova (nee Spryskova) and I) started to notice a correlation between presence in our apartment and worsening of our physical condition. Being at home, we suffered from headaches, dizziness, sickness, deterioration of attention. Our 6-year old son started to expose strange rises of body temperature. My mother-in-law E. M. Spryskova began to suffer from a set of neurological symptoms - fatigue, dizziness, nausea, vision problems, and in spite of numerous health checks, no diagnosis was posed. It was she who first mentioned the word "poisoning". Once she told us: "It seems that somebody is poisoning me". At that time we could not take it seriously, but it alerted us, as my mother-in-law was a well informed person. We were able to comprehend all that period of 1978-1980 only after in spring and autumn of 1980 when we had received authentic information that the KGB/MVD uses military poisoning substances against undesirable persons to induce poor health, suppress the will to resist in order to recruit or to kill. We received this information from the KGB officers including the officers of senior ranks as a result of boastful chats, deliberate intimidation and firm belief of their impunity. At the same time I became informed about the period that was given for this action - it could take up to three years.

The main target was the strongest part of the USSR male population [114]. My wife and I learned from the same sources, that the KGB had the capability to expose anyone to those substances in their homes using dwellings as "gas chambers". Furthermore we learned, that the KGB was conducting scientific research into the use of those substances. Design of new houses included possibility of realization of these misanthropic ideas. Old houses were added these capabilities after a reconstruction.

This information served as a key to understanding of the processes which had been taking place in our society during the previous years. And as I worked as a doctor in both hospital and outpatient medicine, all that appalling picture which the KGB/MVD set forth just before 1980 on the whole territory of the USSR, became clear to me.

In order to cover the extermination system, to those who guessed about it, or found confirmation, KGB/MVD applied two methods of neutralization: either psychiatric wards or murder, depending on a so called "social significance" of the person. That is why a lot of intellectuals were put through psychiatric wards ("psikhushka"s) [129] (See Exhibit 4, Exhibit 8 p.103). Such a person could not serve as a legal witness and was restricted in occupying socially significant positions. It is necessary to emphasize an interesting detail, that in such cases no records were made in the officer of reserve military card (Rus: "voyennyi bilet") (as it used to be in case of a real illness). Which means, that in case of a war such officers of reserve were fit for military service to the full extent. Exception was made for those, who had been exposed to the LSD, the use of which, as far as I know, was prohibited afterwards - in the time of Mikhail Gorbachev.

From the press of the same period the special term appeared which was used in these cases: "vnesudebnoe presledovanie" - outlawed persecution. The predecessor of this system of unlawful sentences was an "outlawed body" - "the Special Consultation" (Rus: "Osoboe Soveshchaniye"). It decided who was eligible for elimination (Exhibit 11, p 330).

In the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) such decisions were carried out by the Party Commission (Rus: "Partkomissiya").

Such outlawed persecution was realized by means of clandestine application of chemical, biological, radio-electronic and other weapons, known under the euphemism "special means" (Rus: "spetssredstva").

Total persecution of nonconformists among the thinking part of the population became possible after the "Main Directorate for Fighting Ideological Sabotage and Nationalism" was created by L. Beria inside the NKVD-KGB in 1950. The chief of that Directorate was lieutenant-general Sazykin. N. Eitingon and P. Sudoplatov (Joseph Kogan), the NKVD/KGB killers - "wet job" dealers, were assigned his deputies while keeping their positions in "Spetsbureau No.1". It means that by this time there was cooperation between "wet-job" dealers and ideological counter-intelligence (Exhibit 11, p. 383, 395, 405, 504). Subsequently those functions in extermination of the best part of the population of the USSR, and first of all, Russians, was passed to the Fifth (ideological) Chief Directorate of the KGB (See Exhibit 8, p. 103).

I deliberately do not use the word "dissident" here, as, according to the press of Gorbachev and especially after-Gorbachev periods, the whole dissident movement was inspired by the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the CPSU and was managed by the Fifth Chief Directorate of the KGB. The head of this Directorate was colonel-general Filipp Bobkov - now the right hand of the Chairman of the Jewish Congress Vladimir Gusinsky in Moscow (See Exhibit 9). It was Bobkov, who resisted the cease of using of biological weapons inside the country (See Exhibit 1, p. 178).

The system of liquidation of undesirable persons inside the country in a special manner, i.e. outlawed persecution ("vnesudebnoe presledovanie") was based on the order No.6990/a of August 4, 1950, (Rus: "Postanovlenie CK VKP(b)") according to which "Spetsbureau No. 2" MGB USSR was created. The Deputy Minister of Ukrainian State Security Service, V.A. Drozdov, was assigned the head of this "Spetsbureau No. 2" (See Exhibit 11, p. 504). It was occupied with clandestine surveillance, kidnappings (read: assassinations) of internal enemies both real and imaginable (See Exhibit 11, p. 383).

The main weapon of extermination were "substances that could kill quickly, quietly and efficiently" (See Exhibit 1, p. 173; Exhibit 12, pp. 450, 458, 672; Exhibit 6, pp 270, 271, 273, 278-279).

The main place for production of these substances was the top-secret Toxicological laboratory No. 12 at the KGB Research Institute for Higher and Advanced Technology (See Exhibit 6, pp. 283, 284; Exhibit 1, pp. 172-173, Exhibit 11, p. 455). All Soviet communist leaders have always been interested in poisons and Gorbachev was not an exception (See Exhibit 6, p. 284). The functioning of those factories of death, according to Pavel Sudoplatov (Joseph Kogan) was regulated only by the orders of the Soviet Government (See Exhibit 11, pp 321, 332, 333). It is rightful to ask now: what were those illegal clandestine orders-courts outflanking the laws (the Criminal Code, for example, and others)?

At the beginning of summer of 1980 we clearly realized, based on the received information, that we became the objects of persecution of the KGB and that our sufferings were the result of covert application of poisoning substances.

As we never violated the laws, we decided to protect our rights for life, independence, liberty and respect for family life.

My wife and I were happily married and besides that we were accomplices. Which means that we represented a particular social group and were persecuted, first of all, according to this definition (See Document 11, p. 10, 11). The KGB practiced forced divorces against such families as our and then artificial marriages. In all cases it was accomplished with application of "special means" and arrangement of an "artificial" spouse, creating suitable for the authorities couples. The major requirement was that each member of the family had to inform the KGB about his spouse. That is why it was almost impossible for intelligentsia to create a couple without indirect approval of the authorities. And one of the reasons for persecution of our family was namely this fact with open verbal demands to divorce and threats, followed by application of "special means".

In May 1980 one of the officers of the KGB undertook an open attempt to kill me by poisoning. Red wine was used as a "vector" in this case. My condition was critical. An ambulance was summoned. Before it arrived, my wife applied medical emergency measures to me. After I had miraculously survived, that KGB officer told me: "Next time you will not survive"! What should we do? Wait for the "next time"? To break down the wave of persecution, my wife and I urgently took a vacation and left with our son for Caucasus. We organized our departure in such a way that practically none knew about it. Even KGB lost track of us for some time. As it turned out, they were deadly hurt with such a blunder. (Afterwards we successfully organized our departure from Donetsk in the same manner).

For the period of our being away, my mother-in-law was left in the care of the privileged hospital of the 4-th Main Directorate of the Ministry of Healthcare in Ivanovo (Rus: "Obkomovskaya bolnitsa"). Not long before she went through a medical check-up made by a group of 4-th Main Directorate consultants from Moscow who made a conclusion, that her condition was out of danger.

Two weeks after our arrival to Caucasus we received a telegram about her death. We understood that the KGB took their revenge on our family. When we tried to return home for the funeral, we received a refusal for our request for tickets (in spite of the telegram) on the pretext of the regime of the Moscow Olympics.

Having returned back to Ivanovo, we learned, that my mother's-in-law funeral was organized by the very KGB officer who threatened us. It is necessary to note, that later we learned about the KGB rule: "those who kill, arrange the funeral" (See Exhibit 6, p. 282; Exhibit 12, p. 455). It was obvious to us that her death was not natural. Even the KGB symbolic was kept: my mother in law died almost on the same day as her husband, my father-in-law, professor A. A. Spryskov in the same ward precisely the year before (July 22, 1979).

It was clear that the KGB was hunting on for us. And only after we learned that it was carried on in the widest scale along the whole country. It reflected in statistical demographic figures of mortality for that period of time, especially for the years of 1980 (Moscow Olympics) and 1984 (the end of Brezhnev's epoch). And since the 90-s the KGB/MVD lawlessness (Rus: "bespredel") took place (See Exhibit 2, 3, 3a).

The death rates caused by cardio-vascular diseases for the period of 1970-1992 are represented on graphs 7.1 (Exhibit 2 p. 109 [ 7 ]), where the death rate peaks could be clearly seen corresponding with the periods of 1979-1980 (Moscow Olympics) and 1984-1985 (the end of Brezhnev's epoch).

The widespread myth about alcohol as the cause of the cardio-vascular system diseases does not stand up to any criticism. Moreover, such countries as France, Spain which have the highest life expectancy rates have the lowest death rates caused by the cardio-vascular system diseases while having the highest per capita consumption of pure alcohol. For example, in 1980, with the alcohol consumption of 15.5 litre of 100% alcohol per capita per year (See: Exhibit 3a, p. 74 [ 8 ]), the death rates caused by the cardio-vascular diseases in France were 380 per 100,000 for men and 230 per 100,000 for women (See: Exhibit 2, Fig. 7.1, p. 109). In 1984 with consumption of 14.0 litre of 100% alcohol per capita per year those figures reduced to 350 per 100,000 for men and 200 in 100,000 for women.

In 1980 the consumption of alcohol in the in the USSR was 8,5 litre of 100% alcohol per capita per year and the death rates, caused by the cardio-vascular system diseases, were 950 per 100,000 for men and 610 per 100,000 for women. Moreover, in 1985 when the alcohol consumption reduced to 7.1 litre the death rates increased to 1000 per 100,000 for men and 650 per 100,000 for women ...(?)

The same picture of death rates caused by various accidents can be seen with the same leaps in 1980 and 1984, for both men and women (See: Exhibit 2, fig. 7.4, 7.5, 7.6, 7.10, 7.11). The graphs showing poisonings and killings are especially revealing, where the authors have not even dared to put the figures for the year 1984!

Exhibit 3 [ 9 ]. The ideological cleansings of the population of the USSR can be clearly seen on the pyramid of Russian population: (1928 - 1938) - the deficit of population related to Collectivization and political repressions; (1941 - 1945) - the Great Patriotic War - the reason is clear; (1964 - 1984) - the deficit of population in Brezhnev's epoch; since 1991 - a tendency to decrease of population again - the Yeltsin's epoch, which continues up to now.

It is necessary to indicate, that, according to the demography literature of the USSR, the year 1960 was the "cleanest" in the Soviet history - "Khrushchev's thaw".

Furthermore, the KGB used such methods as slander, calumny in order to isolate us from our acquaintances and friends and later, already here, in London, we learned that it was one of the stages of "dehumanization of a victim" before its elimination (See: Exhibit 13, p. 247).

Since August 1980 regular intrusions to our flat in our absence started - typical actions for all special services (See: Exhibit 8, p. 210). If before we were indicating deterioration of our physical condition at home, now it became impossible to stay at home without ventilation. Toxic substances were sprayed on our linen, underwear, cloths, furniture. They caused general toxic reaction and, first of all, heart palpitation, hypotension of blood pressure (shock), skin manifestations from local chemical burns to chronic dryness and cracking of skin. Poisonous substances were added to our food and especially to tea. As it turned out, other special services also practice similar methods (See: Exhibit 13, p. 228). It became impossible to take even small amounts of alcohol - one sip of dry vine caused acute collapse of the heart circulatory system of various extent and stopping of breath. We suggested that this was the result of poisonous organophosphates applied against us. Cups, dishes, utensils, thermos were being covered with thin films of sticky substance, which exposed toxins. We used to find the same sticky substance on linoleum, it caused local and general toxic reactions when contacted.

By that time, being the First Lieutenant of medical service of reserve, I have studied in the city of Kazan' a standard course of post-graduate education for doctors (1979). The course included one-week session of military medical education on the base of the Military Department of Kazan GIDUV (See: Document 5). I studied such courses again in Moscow in 1986, 1990, 1992, 1996. From there I learned that "epoxy tars" could be used as thickeners for prolongation of action of poisonous substances and that such research was conducted in the armies of various countries. So, in autumn of 1980 it was not difficult for me to guess about the nature of this sticky substance. Later, after 1996 I have found a confirmation to this fact (See: Exhibit 7, p. 180; Exhibit 1, p. 177).

And then, since October 1980, an uninterrupted chain of events started. Each of them could be followed by death: from killing at night in a porch of the house to poisoning and "death in bed". The main events are listed below:

October 1980. An attempt to kidnap my wife while she was returning home at night. Prevented by me.

By that time the external surveillance under which I was kept was so tough, that it was extremely dangerous to come back home at night from work. Therefore I was forced to use our car even in winter, which I have never done before.

October 1980. An attempt to crash our car when I was driving to work by a heavy military truck "KRAZ" at the intersection of Gromoboya St. and Lenin avenue next to the Ivanovo KGB building. The attacker's actions were impunitively aggressive.

November 1980. Poisonous substances were applied to the interior of our car. They caused dizziness, disorientation, tachycardia and so on. I was forced to drive with an open window in winter. Some time later I found sticky substance on the steering wheel, gear shifter, parking break which was more toxic than the one which was sprayed. It could not be removed by chemical solvents (acetone, ether, ...). I was forced to wear thick gloves. Several days after I found the same sticky substance in the tips of the fingers inside the gloves which caused the same symptoms. The goal was clear - to cause a road accident or induce a heart attack without leaving a trace (See: Exhibit 1, p. 177, pp. 174, 175; Exhibit 7. p. 180).

Same autumn of 1980 my father's illness came as a next terrible blow to us. He was hospitalized with oncology diagnosis. He was refused surgery in spite of an early stage of illness. We realized with horror, that our families were subjected to planned extermination.

At the same time we learned it was not Ivanovo and not even the KGB of city of Vladimir that was dealing with our case now, but all the orders regarding me were coming from Moscow.

By the 18-th of November (my 33-d anniversary) my physical condition deteriorated so sharply as a result of chronical poisoning, that I was not able to walk and stayed in bed. The symptoms indicated poisoning by cyanides or arsenic derivatives: massive hemorrhages in mouth cavity, on the body, sharp pain in spinal cord, tearing, beating headaches, tachycardia, dramatic weight loss, rises of body temperature, grey color of face.

At the same time my wife and I accidentally found white substance on my trousers, on the back, groin area. This area looked like it was shot through as a sieve. My wife urgently made qualitative chemical tests of the substance in the laboratory of Ivanovo Institute of Chemical Technology, where she worked. The test for cyanides was positive. We did not know what to do. Furthermore, my wife was suddenly given at work a new synthesis with cyanides, so that in case of my death she could be charged. The synthesis was given to her by the head of laboratory Dr. M. I. Al'yanov. My wife approached him with a request to change the theme and told him that she suspected the KGB in poisoning her husband (i.e. me) with cyanides. Dr. Al'yanov listened to her silently, did not say a word and the next day the theme was changed. That confirmed our observations, that the intelligentsia was aware of what was happening in the country, but everybody was threatened to death and was afraid for themselves and their relatives. It was useless to expect any help from acquaintances, friends and even relatives.

My wife was desperate and insisted that we should contact the Prosecutor of Ivanovo Oblast. It was an absolutely wild decision, no doubt, it would be followed by detention and placement into a psychiatric hospital (Rus: "psikhushka") (See: Exhibit 4; Exhibit 8, p. 103). Later we learned about the existence of the Second Department of the Oblast psychiatric hospital of Ivanovo, where "doctors" were attested as officers of the Internal Service of the KGB. They wore military uniform under medical overall. The Deputy Head of this Hospital, Dr. Averbukh was also attested as an officer of the Internal Service of the KGB. The risk was enormous. In spite of it, my wife went to the Oblast Public Prosecutor Office in Ivanovo with a report. She was listened there and was given advice to apply to the local Public Prosecutor. In December 1980 we wrote a report in which we stated that the KGB applied cyanides and other poisoning substances to us in order to kill [ 10 ]. The application was accompanied with material evidence: gloves with sticky substances inside, trousers with traces of cyanides and others.

The report and the evidence were accepted by the Public Prosecutor Office of Lenin District of Ivanovo. However, we received no written answer on our report. Furthermore, in the beginning of 1981 the Prosecutor of Ivanovo Oblast suddenly died of a heart attack(!).

Having stepped back from us for a while, the KGB started to poison our son Sergei who was then 6 years old. It became clear to us that we had to flee from Ivanovo as soon as possible.

The KGB was keeping us under constant surveillance. Intrusions to our flat, applications of poisoning substances continued, as well as spoiling of our possessions (for example: electronic equipment, crystal, etc.).

However all that enormous resistance, which we showed against atrocious violence, gave results. We stayed alive, did not give in and eventually, in June 1981 could escape from the city, famous for its repressive traditions.

Before leaving Ivanovo we received threats from the KGB officers, who told us, that they would reach us anywhere, they told us: "We have our people everywhere!" And really, we subsequently got a lot of confirmations of these words everywhere (including London, UK, when we walked out of Heathrow airport).

Donetsk, June 1981-June 1982.

On our arrival to Donetsk in June 1981 we were handed over to the local KGB. We were subjected to the same atrocious persecution as in Ivanovo. We were not been given a rest at day, at night, at home, in the streets. The secret "visits" to our apartment continued. Covert searches were conducted even at nights when we were asleep! We were reached everywhere and were applied an additional portion of "special means". We suffered of chronical poisoning, especially skin symptoms, swellings, heart palpitations, disorders of gastric intestinal tract, stomatits, etc.

Naturally, we could not submit ourselves to it and immediately began to look for a possibility to move to a large cultural center. And again, the same method was used against us: from all possible variants, for example Riga, Leningrad, Moscow region (Khimki, Malakhovka) we were left only one: the residential area of Dzerzhinsky MVD Division near Moscow - the former zone ("zona") of Beria's NKVD Division in town of Balashikha near Moscow, not far from Reutovo.

We accepted this challenge, because if something happened to us, it would give us a possibility to accuse the special services, and we really used it later.

All that meant, that the authorities put us to a place, where we were entirely under control, where they had possibility to intrude into our private life and restrict, if necessary our movement and isolate us.

Our departure from Donetsk resembled a bad detective story with auto racing, chasing, up to the moment when we crossed the border of Ukraine.

As a result of those forced urgent escapes including our escape from Russia in 1996, we lost all our property and savings which were accumulated by our parents and us. Furthermore, having left Russian Federation on June 5, 1996, we deliberately did not inform anybody about our departure. According to Russian laws our dwelling must be untouched during more than five years. However we have all reasons to believe that it was unlawfully occupied and our possessions pillaged. Such approach has been practiced since the Soviet period up to the present time (See: Exhibit 15: United States Department of State, "Russia - Profile of Asylum Claims and Country Conditions" p.31).

Moscow, June 1982 - June 1996.
(Moskovskaya Oblast, town of Balashikha, Microdistrict Dzerzhinskogo, 11, Apt. 7)

Shortly after our arrival in Balashikha we began to experience the same symptoms. The same methods were applied to us. The principal aim was not to let us find work in Moscow, as we wanted, to deprive us of our initiative and to implicate entirely into the way of life of the MVD Division. We immediately ruined their plans by finding job in Moscow and began to live and independent life, which we believed was right. We held our own opinion on various questions, including political, and expressed them openly. This caused rage. We felt it according to the force of aggression which followed intermittently resembling waves: growing, reaching the highest point, when we found ourselves on the brink of death, and then temporary stepping back after we fought back.

The main method of persecution were again "special means" including chemical and biological weapons. However, the most terrible were those substances, that caused heart disorders and acute hypotension of blood pressure - the toxic shock. Later we have found a proof that poisoning substances were used to eliminate undesirable persons with no trace of violent death, the executions looked like natural deaths (See: Exhibit 6, p. 273, 280; Exhibit 7, p. 180), for example acute collapse of the heart-circulatory system, acute heart attack, stroke, thrombosis, internal bleeding, acute pneumonia, acute gastro-intestinal poisonings (See: Exhibit 11 p. 466; Exhibit 12, p. 672, 617; Exhibit 13, p. 257).

Those cardiotoxic substances were being applied to me approximately 1-2 times a month, usually it happened at 2 o'clock in the morning, then at 4 o'clock in the morning, we called "the bandit's hour" (Rus: "razboinichii chas"). In such cases I usually woke up with heart palpitations, acute collapse of the heart-circulatory system of various extent of severity. We were forced to keep at home a complete kit of medicaments and instruments for intensive care. Usually we preferred not to summon the ambulance, because we had all reasons not to trust. We relied on our own knowledge and experience, which we have accumulated by that time.

One of such accidents was critical. It happened approximately in 1989. I was on the brink of death, the heart was ready to burst. We had no choice and summoned an ambulance. Electrocardiogram showed little chance for survival. I was hospitalized to Cardiology Department of the Central Hospital of Balashikha. (This cardiogram together with other documents was sent in 1990 to the USA).

We were not left in peace anywhere. Toxic substances were applied to the interior or our car in such amounts, that dissolved the paint on the shelve of the rear window. Usually our physical condition deteriorated quickly after getting into our car. Each time we came back home from the street we used to accomplish military style sanitary treatment of our cloths to remove the "special means" that were applied to us outdoors. In addition to heart attacks the KGB/MVD practiced gastro-intestinal poisonings. Some of them in 1982-1984 and in 1995-1996 were extremely severe. There is no need to explain that we tried to apply to clinics only when it could not be avoided for example to take a sick-leave.

Being a doctor and subsequently the Head of Oncology Department, I started monitoring KGB's application of the "special means" to my patients. There was no doubt, that many of them suffered from the same symptoms. However it was impossible to openly discuss this issue. I helped them in combating poisoning using my experience (See: Document 6a).

We continued to collect evidence of our persecutions. Naturally, it was impossible to address authorities openly ("psikhushka")! [129]. We used various pretexts, but each time the authorities met us unfriendly: KGB/MVD was on the alert! Our attempt to use the Sanitary Epidemic Service for this purpose gave no results. On our written report we received a formal denial. We addressed as well to Militia, Public Prosecutor of Balashikha, the Prosecutor General of the USSR in Moscow, to the Reception of the Minister of the Interior (MVD); to press: "Literaturnaya Gazeta" and others. All the responses were formal denials, no investigation has ever been started.

We repeatedly received verbal threats to kill us in our residence in MVD Division area. This is a criminal offence according to the Law of The Soviet Union and Russian Federation. However when my wife applied to local militia in settlement Saltykovskaya in order to start a criminal investigation, one of the senior officers answered her, that she was actually right, but he did not want to loose his job.

Illegal intrusions to our dwelling continued, our belongings were messed and spoiled. They tore our boots, as a result our feet were permanently wet, even in winter, oftentimes it caused colds.

Numerous attempts were made to sabotage our car in order to restrict our mobility, cause a road accident in order to kill. Here are some examples. Three of four bolts on the front left wheel of our car were unscrewed, what might have caused a road accident, throwing us on the opposite side of the road. The tires of two wheels on one side of our car were cut in a professional way along the tire thread. Wires in the electrical system of the car were switched in such a way that it could cause a fire. Brake lines were cut. Our applications to Militia were either ignored, or given formal replies.

The KGB/MVD also used ordinary open terror alongside with the application of "special means". The main facts are listed below.

June 1983. Our car was stolen and broken not far from our residence. No response was given to out written report. The culprits were never found.

August 1984. Physical attack on our 11 year old son Sergei on order to kill him on Pushkin square in Moscow. The person, who attacked him from behind tried to administer a blow by the edge of his palm to the neck vertebras of our son. Sergei accidentally noticed the reflection of the attacker in the window of the kiosk. The blow fell on the head of our son. The attacker disappeared.

August 1984. Our son and I were attacked in Balashikha at 11 p.m. at night.

August 1985. An attempt to damage the steering-wheel part of our car was made by an unknown man when we (my wife, my son and I) stopped to have a rest while driving at night along the circle road of Moscow. We managed to catch him and he showed us an identification card saying that he was an officer of the MVD USSR.

Furthermore, the KGB/MVD applied to us notorious methods of domestic terror, weaponized since 1917 by the Red Commissars. The principal aim was to exhaust, to create frame-up and eventually camouflage political persecutions by domestic problems. For example in the end of 1983 the attempt was made to poison me, when I drank my tea left in the shared kitchen. The ambulance and militia were summoned and then we applied to the Sklifasovsky Institute of Urgent Therapy in Moscow. The samples of blood and urine were taken, but the results were not given to us. Moreover, the threats to put in "psikhushka" followed.

Our relatives, acquaintances, my patients from the governmental area of Moscow - nobody believed, or pretended they do not believe, that we were persecuted by the KGB. One of my relatives gave me a good advice - to try to join the CPSU. "If they do not accept you, - he told,- it will mean, that the KGB is really your persecutor". In 1986 I did it. It only made the matters worse. The persecutions sharply strengthened. My wife and I were in despair. In 1986, on the New Year's eve we decided to apply to the USA Embassy. We prepared in advance our 14-year old son for independent life, as we supposed the possibility of our detention, and most probably, to "psikhushka".

On the 4-th of January 1987 we came up to the USA Embassy on Chaikovskogo St. in Moscow. We tried to speak to an Embassy official in the street, but on our first attempt we were captured by the KGB officers and transported to Krasnopresnenskoye Militia station near the Moscow Zoo, and then to the Psychiatric Hospital on the 8-th of March St. near "Dynamo" stadium. I was interrogated by people in civilian cloths who had no relation to medicine. They asked me: "How did you reveal the surveillance?" and other similar questions.

As I occupied a rather distinctive position in the governmental area of Moscow, and a candidate for membership to the CPSU, I was released in two days. I was given a warning not to arrive in the vicinity of the Embassy. Dr. Tikhomirov, the Head of the Polyclinic No. 92 where I worked as the Head of Oncology Department (See: Document 5,6), warned me to be extremely careful, because the KGB wanted to tear me apart.

In March-April of 1987 I was summoned to a Special Party Commission ("Partkomissia") of the Kievskyi district of Moscow Main Office (Rus: "Raikom") of the CPSU. I told them about the persecutions of me and my family by the KGB with the "special means". When I mentioned "special means" (Rus: "spetssredstva"), the Chairman forced me to keep silence. Some member of the Commission dropped: "You should have come to us, otherwise you could have collapsed somewhere in the street!" The Chairman together with the KGB officials - chekists sitting on the right side of him announced the decision concerning me: "Medical checkup" (Rus: "Medosmotr"). There were other members of the "Partkommissia", but they were present as supernumeraries and did not understand anything. It happed as following: the chairman asked the chekists on the right side of him: "Well, "Medosmotr" now?" They nodded. I thought: "What? What does it mean? "Psikhushka" [129] again? Well, come on...!" But as it turned out I was wrong. As I learned from the press after the dissolution of the USSR and the CPSU, the term "Medosmotr" was used as an euphemism for death sentence by means of poisoning or biological weapons. Later, in London I found this information in the memories of Pavel Sudoplatov (Joseph Kogan) and Anatolii Sudoplatov (See: Exhibit 6, pp. 270, 281, 282; Exhibit 12, p. 455).

As it turned out, it concerned not only me. One or two months later the First Secretary of Kievskyi Raikom of CPSU in Moscow, who personally approved me as a candidate for CPSU membership, was dismissed from his position. Some two months later he was fallen out of the 9-th floor of one of the tower buildings on Kalinin avenue (now Novoarbatsky avenue) (See: Exhibit 13, p. 249). Soon, at one of the official meetings of the Central Committee of the CPSU, the former First Secretary of Moscow Central Office (Rus: "Gorkom") of CPSU, B. N. Yeltsin was publicly accused of assassination of the First Secretary of Kievskyi Raikom of CPSU of Moscow (the comrades of B. N. Yeltsin knew who had ordered it). The case was scandalous and had its reflection in the press.

But it was not all. Some time later the Chairman of the CPSU of our Polyclinic No. 92 Korobova fell seriously ill and became permanently disabled. I did not know about her final fate. The chairman of the trade union of Polyclinic No. 92 Nemirovskaya, closely connected at that time with me quietly died several months later.

In March 1987 we decided to apply to human rights advocates, Andrei Sakharov, a Nobel Prize-winning physicist and his wife, Elena Boner. We were received by E. Boner on the threshold of their apartment on Chkalova St. in Moscow. As soon as we explained the subject of our visit - wide clandestine application of poisoning substances by the KGB, she changed in face, shouted, that they no longer deal with human rights problems and that we should give her our documents. Soon Academician A. D. Sakharov arrived, but he was immediately isolated by his wife and we were pressed out of the apartment. In the street we disclosed a smirking chekist "tail" as if saying: "Did you get enough?" We suspected it, but had no choice.

We were left absolutely alone. We had to survive and resist. Our enemies decided, that we would loose ground and counted on domestic terror in order to discredit us and arrange a frame-up.

However, the main method of terror was again the clandestine application of chemical and biological weapons. The spectrum of special means in Moscow was very wide. They were applied to us with an exhausting stability everywhere: at home, in the streets, on the move. We suffered of chronical poisoning, muscle and bone pains, headaches, deterioration of attention, hard aridity of skin, pains in the small of the back, disgusting metallic taste in the mouth, dizziness, heart problems with various rates of intensity and recurrence. Especially exhausting was deprivation of sleep. All that can be considered as prolonged over years torture in order to break down our will and to manipulate us.

Clandestine searches of our room continued even at nights when we were asleep. After the notorious events of the Autumn 1993, I noticed that the KGB started to use biological mixts (Rus: "retseptury"), combining adenoviruses, microbial and bacterial components. Those inventions caused heaviest lightning pneumonias which could not be diagnosed clinically (by auscultation and percussion) and by X-ray methods. I suffered from those artificial pneumonias in winter 1994 and then again, two times in 1994-95 (in London they repeated on January 14, 1997, April 14, 1997, December 27, 1999).

Sometime in 1988-1989 I decided to discuss our problems with one of my patients - a journalist. He promised to help me in some way, first of all with information. Some time later he told me the following. He approached one of the journalists from "Literaturnaya Gazeta", the former employee of the KGB. He asked her to help find some information about the reasons of my persecutions. She approached her former colleagues and tried to clear something out. Two weeks later she was sent to a business trip to Leningrad, where she was killed. The necrologue was published in "Literaturnaya Gazeta". After that my patient became very cautious with me. (Once again, the same method - assassination "on the move"! See: Exhibit 13, p. 257).

Towards the 90s the style of pressing on us changed, the element of squeezing us out of the country appeared. The policy of the Soviet System regarding intelligentsia stayed unchanged since 1917: surrender, what does the most of them, the others were left with the choice: be killed or leave the country. As we did not want to be killed, we were left with one choice: to leave the country. Since then the pressure on us became overtly violent, but the West did not want to accept us!



Basing on the facts, described in part II (14), I state that the following Articles of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms have been violated by the authorities of the USSR and Russian Federation.

Article 1 - Obligation to respect human rights.

Article 2 - Right to Life.

Article 3 - Prohibition of torture.

Article 5 - Right to liberty and security.

Article 8 - Right to respect for private and family life.

Article 9 - Freedom of thought, conscience and religion.

Article 10 - Freedom of expression.

Article 12 - Right to marry.

Protocol 1, Article 1 - Protection of property.

Protocol 4, Article 3 - Prohibition of expulsion of nationals.


16.   Applications to courts. Final decision.

Taking into account that our problem was absolutely unique, all our applications to the national authorities were ignored or in the best case we were given formal responses. It was absolutely impossible even to bring our case to legal investigation, let alone the court procedure and court decision.

17.   Other applications. Decisions

  1. December 1980. Application to the Public Prosecutor of Ivanovo Oblast. Reply: our report was not accepted.
  2. December 10, 1980. Application to the Public Prosecutor of Lenin District of Ivanovo. Reply: the report together with the material evidence were accepted. Investigation never started. No reply was ever given (Document 7).
  3. May 1984. Application to Medupravlenie MVD USSR, Moscow. Reply of October 17, 1984 did not address the essence of the case (Document 8).
  4. May 1984. Application to the Minister of the Interior (MVD) USSR, Fedorchuk. Was handed in public reception, Sadovoe Ring (Samotechnaya square), Moscow. No reply was given.
  5. Beginning of 1985. Application to the Prosecutor General of the USSR, Moscow. Reply: from the Public Prosecutor of town of Balashikha, April 22, 1985 (Document 9).
  6. Approximately 1985. Application to the Sanitary-Epidemiological Service of Moscow. Reply from the Sanitary-Epidemiological Service of Balashikha did not address the essence of the case.
  7. Approximately 1988. Application to "Literaturnaya Gazeta" newspaper, Moscow. Reply was signed by a journalist by the name of Troyan and did not address the essence of the case.
  8. January 08, 1989. Application to the Public Prosecutor of Balashikha. Reply did not address the essence of the case (Document 10).
  9. May 1996. Application of my wife T. A. Baranova to local Militsia station in Saltykovskaya settlement regarding the missed documents including internal passport. Reply: a new passport was issued.
Part of the documents was sent to the USA via the USA Embassy in Moscow to the Immigration Department of the USA in 1990.
It was wery dangerous to take any documents regarding our case on our departure from Russia on June 05, 1996. That is why the rest of the documents were destroyed.
In addition to the formal requests to the national authorities, the other attempts to cease our persecutions were undertaken by us.
  1. The city of Ivanovo. The Autumn of 1980. In order to bring down the wave of persecutions we decided to make a political gesture. A considerable sum of money was paid by us to the "Fund of Peace" (Rus: "Fond Mira").
  2. March 1987. Appeal to human rights advocates Andrei Sakharov, a Nobel Prize winning physicist and his wife Elena Boner was made. The reaction was sharply negative.
  3. Sometime in 1988 - 1989. A private appeal to a journalist of one of Moscow magazines. No results for us.
  4. Autumn 1989. Applications to emigrate to the USA were made in Moscow.
  5. January 03, 1990. Appeal to the Embassy of Sweden in Moscow. An audience took place. Application forms for emigration were filled in (Document 12).
  6. January 31, 1990. Appeal to the Embassy of Sweden in Moscow. Conversation.
  7. Autumn 1990. The documents were sent to the USA via the USA Embassy in Moscow: a part of the documents of our applications to the national authorities concerning our case.
  8. The year of 1992. Application to emigrate to Canada was made in Moscow. Reply of August 14, 1992 - letter of refusal (Document 13).
  9. Autumn 1993. Appeal to the Embassy of Sweden in Moscow. A conversation took place. No results.

18.   Is there or was there any other appeal or other remedy available to you, which you have not used? If so explain why you have not used it.

We could have appealed to our persecutors - the KGB itself. However, we did not do it, because we did not want to have any official contacts with this organization, furthermore, it should not have changed anything.


Further we encountered an entirely unexpected part of the application form: namely about some hypothetic satisfaction. It puzzled us. What does it mean? Is it about monetary compensation? We laughed at this thought and realizing that not even a single penny would be given, we decided to search for an answer in classic literature. And the answer has been found.

"Великий комбинатор положил на стол папку и, медленно развязывая ее ботиночные тесемки продолжал:
- Только давайте условимся. Никаких эксцессов! Вы не должны меня душить, не должны выбрасываться из окна и, самое главное, не умирайте от удара. Если вы вздумаете тут же скропостижно скончаться, то поставите меня этим в глупое положение. Погибнет плод длительного добросовестного труда... Уже не секрет, что вы меня не любите... Поэтому я не стану вздыхать напрасно... Считайте серенаду законченной. Утихли балалайки... Я пришел к вам как юридическое лицо к юридическому лицу. Вот папка весом в 3-4 кило. Она продается и стоит миллион рублей, тот самый миллион, который вы из жадности не хотите мне подарить. Купите!...
... - Ну что, состоится покупка?... Цена невысокая..."

Ilya Ilf, Evgeny Petrow. "Twelve chairs. Golden Calf".
Kishinev 1972, p. 545.


We know, that the highest punishment which could be inflicted on the System is to force it to pay money to its victim.
Therefore, for our physical and moral sufferings, which continued for about two decades, for destroying our Home and depriving us of our possessions, for depriving us of our liberty and security, for expelling us from the territory of our Motherland (as a result our family departed), we regard it fair, reasonable and just to demand from the authorities of Russian Federation which is the legal successor of the USSR, the monetary compensation of Thirty Three Millions of Dollars USA ($ 33,000,000.00).


20.   Have you submitted the above complaints to any other procedure of international investigation or settlement? If so, give full details.

Our case was considered in the Immigration Court of San Francisco, California, USA. The copy of the decision of the Court enclosed, see Document 11.



Document 1. Vadim Vasil'yevich Baranov. Internal citizen's passport. (6 sheets)

Document 2. Tatiana Aleksandrovna Baranova (nee Spryskova), Internal citizen's passport. (5 sheets)

Document 3. Vadim Vasil'yevich Baranov. Employment record. (4 sheets)

Document 4. Tatiana Aleksandrovna Baranova. Diploma of Candidate of Chemical Sciences. (3 sheets)

Document 5. Vadim Vasil'yevich Baranov. Professional References: 1980, 1986, 1993. Postgraduate education, Kazan GIDUV, 1980. (5 sheets)

Document 6. Vadim Vasil'yevich Baranov. The Order of the First Qualification Category award. (1 sheet)

Document 6a. (3 sheets)

Document 7. Report to the Public Prosecutor of Lenin district of Ivanovo, December 10, 1980. (3 sheets)

Document 8. Reply from Medupravleniye MVD USSR of October 17, 1984. (2 sheets)

Document 9. Reply from the Public Prosecutor of Balashikha of April 22, 1985. (3 sheets)

Document 10. Report to the Public Prosecutor of Balashikha of January 08, 1989. (2 sheets)

Document 11. The Order of the United States Department of Justice, Immigration Court of San Francisco, California, USA. (11 sheets)

Document 12. Copy of autograph of the 3-d Secretary of the Embassy of Sweden in Moscow, 1990. (1 sheet)

Document 13. The Embassy of Canada in Moscow. Refusal letter. (1 sheet)

Document 14. Sergei Vadimovich Baranov. Internal citizen's passport. (3 sheets)

Exhibit 1. Ken Alibek with Stephen Handelman, "Biohazard", Random House, New York, 1999.

Exhibit 2. "Naselenie Rossii", under the redaction of A. G. Vishnevskii, Yevrazia, Moskva, 1994.

Exhibit 3. "Rossiya-1993. Sotsial'no-Demograficheskaya situatsiya", Moskva, 1994.

Exhibit 3a. The Brewer's Society Statistical Handbook, Brewing Publications, London, 1991.

Exhibit 4. U.S. News and World Report, December 16, 1996. "Mad Russians".

Exhibit 5. American Legion Magazine, February 1995. "Russia's Dirty Chemical Secrets".

Exhibit 6. Pavel and Anatolii Sudoplatov, "Special Tasks", Little Brown and Co., 1994.

Exhibit 7. Oleg Kalugin, "The First Directorate", St. Martin's Press, New York, 1994.

Exhibit 8. Vladimir Kuzichkin, "Inside the KGB", Andre Deutsch, 1990.

Exhibit 9. Russia Reform Monitor of American Foreign Policy Council, No. 226, February 10, 1997, Washington DC.

Exhibit 10. Russia Reform Monitor of American Foreign Policy Council, No. 123, April 16, 1996, Washington DC.

Exhibit 11. Pavel Sudoplatov, "Razvedka i Kreml'. Zapiski nezhelatel'nogo svidetelya", TOO "Geya", Moskva, 1996.

Exhibit 12. Pavel Sudoplatov, "Spetsoperatsii. Lubyanka i Kreml', 1930 - 1950 gody", "OLMA-PRESS", Moskva, 1997.

Exhibit 13. Tom Mangold and Jeff Goldberg, "Plague Wars", Macmillan, 1999.

Exhibit 14. The Wall Street Journal, November 2, 1995; "Chemical and Biological Warfare Unmasked".

Exhibit 15. United States Department of State. Washington D.C. 20520, 1996. Russia - profile of Asylum claims and country conditions, p. 31.


22.   I hereby declare that to the best of my knowledge and belief, the information I have given in the present application form is correct.

London, United Kingdom.

June 17, 2000.

Vadim Baranov - signature.

Now, dear reader, you have received the whole notion of the core of the case. And then the circumstances developed as follows.

12 October 2000. the Secretary of the Court informs us that our application has been registered [ 2 ].

17 May 2001. We are informed that our case will be considered at the second half of the year. The composition of the Court has not been indicated [ 11 ].

We could not find any mention of our case on the website of the Court. In our three letters of 19 July [ 12 ], 16 August [ 13 ] and 28 August 2001 [ 14 ] we insist on our personal presence at the Court in order to help investigate the case, because the case of this sort is the first, entirely unique and demands the personal evidence.

On the 7-th of September, 2001 the European Court of Human Rights sitting as a Committee composed of three persons (Rus.:"Troika"): President - Mr. M. FISHBACH, judges - Mr. E. LEVITS, Mr. V. ZAGREBELSKY decided that the application must be rejected: "The Court finds that they (the matters complained) do not disclose any appearance of a violation of the rights and freedoms set out in the Convention or its Protocols" [ 15 ]. That is to say the Court-Committee (indirectly) announces that the persecutions were conducted legally (?!).

Further, in the same document the Court-Committee acknowledges that "The matters complained of are within its competence", from which follows that the similar misanthropic practice, described in our application, exists in other countries and the Court is informed about it. Again the same question arises: on the base of which documents such a practice is formed up in other countries?

28 September 2001. We have been hurriedly informed that the decision is final and could not be appealed against both in the Court and in any other institution [ 16 ]. We, in turn having carefully examined the staff of the Court-Committee, came to the firm conclusion that the Court of such composition could not take an unprejudiced decision on this case and turned down this complement of the Court [ 17 ]. However, we have got an impression that the Court is frightened by the raised question. Because the origination of the Court itself, as it now appears from the foregoing, was caused by the demand of arbitration, however paradoxically it might sound, in the system of covered outlawed persecutions of individuals in different countries. Namely, the outlawed, because we have not found a law which rules out that in some situation or case the persecution of an individual could be conducted on the ground of somebody's pretensions, encroachments or unannounced accusations.

Applying to the Court we actually endeavored to disclose this clandestine system. As a result, in the letter of 05 December 2001 the Court declared that at no circumstances this theme could be considered again and should not be mentioned in any other applications [ 18 ]. Even the dramatic events of 11 September 2001 did not affect the position of the Court. It became quite clear to us that the Court could not solve this serious problem (with the next problem already appearing on the agenda - combating bioterrorism) and we were left with no choice but to give the written estimation to this Court, which we quote here:  

"Dear Sir or Madame,

We have read with surprise your letters of 03 and 05 December 2001, because we believed that the legal part was finished. However, using the given opportunity we decided to inform you that on 20 October 2001 we were granted political asylum in the United Kingdom under the 1951 United Nations Convention. Thus we received the legal recognition of all the facts that we stated.

Historically, we do not know the similar examples, when a family of three, personally, and in the different countries received political asylum. This acknowledgement from the two Great States - the United States of America and the United Kingdom confirm the sense of rightness of our cause. And now we started calmly to publish the documents of our case on the Internet:, "Strasbourg Case".

In conclusion, we are forced to ascertain that demonstratively ignoring our case, the Court has withdrawn itself from the solution of the tasks laid on it, thus signing its own insolvency [ 19 ]."

But as it turned out, it was not the end of this story. It continued as follows. Two days after posting the above letter the porch of our house was toughly surrounded by special services of various suits. The result of this pathological activity bordering with hysteria was an acute development at night of 10 January 2002 of severe pneumonia. The same artificial mix: Adenovirus + coccal flora (anaerobic Peptostreptococcus etc.) + bacteria (Mycoplasma, Legionella etc.) was used, but the clinical features of pneumonia of Legionnaires' Decease prevailed.

At night of 11 January 2002 my condition became critical, an ambulance was summoned and I was transported to the nearest hospital.

23 January 2002.


British newspaper The Sunday Telegrph on December 29, 2013 published an article by senior political correspondent Steven Swinford: "Lord Judge: European Court is too powerful", The Sunday Telegraph, No 2.742, pp. 1,2. It says: "One official at the ECHR, who did not want to be named, told the BBC that he was concerned that some European judges were little more than "activists" and were unqualified for the role. He said: ... "We know that about half the Strasbourg judges had no judicial experience before going to the court, which means it's no surprise they go off on judicial frolics of their own".

1 March 2014.